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ADDRESS 

ON TOK 

GENIUS, PUBLIC LIFE, 

AND » 

OPINIONS 

OF 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 



DELIVERED AT RICHMOND, VA., MAY 9, 1856, 
liy RK(ir^S!T of tiik 

LADIES OF THE CENTRAL MOUNT VERNON 
ASSOCIATION, 

AND IN AID OF THE PURCHASK OF MOUNT VERNON. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 

.MAYOR OF THE CITY OF Nl'.W YORK. 

NEW YORK: 

EVANDER GUILDS, STEAM BOOK AND JOB PRINTER, 
Sun Buildings, corner Fulton and Nassau Sts. 

1856. 






40427 



ADDRESS. 



Ladies and Gentlemen: 

la accepting the invitation to visit Richmond and deliver an 
Address in aid of the high and patriotic objects of the Mount 
A^ERNON Association, I perform a most gratif3nng" pnblic duty. 
The only cloud which hovers around the effort, is the doubt in 
my own mind, as to my fitness and capacity for the undertaking; 
arising not only from the complete occupation of my time in the 
discharge of my official duties which has precluded the attention 
required for preparation, — but from the character of my previous 
studies, which have beeu more practical than literary or historical. 
1 rely upon the liberality and universally acknowledged kindness, 
which so much distinguish the people of this City, for the removal 
of this cloud, rather than upon my own ability to dispel it in the 
delivery of this address. 

Ladies and Gentlemen: I have chosen for my subject to-niglit, 
Alexander Hamilton— Ins character — his genius. — his public 
services. — A theme which in its magnitude and interest 
will supply any deficiency in its discussion— a subject which, 
while it challenges the deepest study of the early history of 
this country, and calls forth and revives a recollection of the 
sentiments which surrounded and imbued the fathers of the 
Repuljlic, will also make its application to many of the public 
questions of tliis day, and produce reflections, not at all flattering 
to our own boasted advancement, superior intelligeiKNi; and know- 
ledge of Government. I have selected this topic because of 



its peculiar adaptatiou to the objects of the Mount Yeruon Asso- 
ciation. It is in keeping witli its patriotic design, that in an 
assembly convened to aid in tlie purchase of Mount Veunox, 
the subject sliould be the private and public virtues of oiu' 
who held the closest official and personal relations to Wash- 
ington himself. And if the spirit of the Father of liis Country 
is permitted to guard these eflbrts of the women of Ame- 
rica, it will look down benignantly upon this attemi)t, feeble 
tho\igh it be, to do justice to the fame and memory of Alexander 
Hamilton. In approaching the discussion of the life ;ind char- 
acter of a truly great man, like Hamilton, the mind should be- 
come elevated and the spirit ennobled. We should view the scenes 
upon which he appeared, and the events in which he took part, 
freed from the recollection of unworthy imputations, or of the iuiblcs 
incidental to our feeble nature. We should see but the pultHc 
man — canvass the ability, the patriotism or the genius which 
marked his progress through the fitful drama of life — and in 
weighing the result of his exertions — the advantages derived from 
his services, and the evidence of disinterested devotion to his coun- 
try — forget the aspersions, if any originating, it may have Iteen in 
the jealousies of rivals and the interests of party. There is probably 
no theme of public discussion more difficult than that of the char- 
acter of ]mblic men, yet living or recently deceased. There can be 
no literary navigation so liable to shipwreck as that which lies 
through the eddies and rocks and quicksands of political life ; 
and with this consciousness of the embarrassments which surround 
the topic selected by me, I proceed at once to a plain and candid 
statement of my own views, and for which I alone am responsible. 

Hamilton was descended from an ancient and distinguished 
Scotch ancestry, though it has been well said he required no illus- 
trious lineage to give renown to his memory, lie was a native of 
Nevis, the smallest of the windward West India Islands, then, as 
now, under the dominion of the British governmeut. 



At the age of twelve years lie was placed in a counting room, 
preparatory to a mercantile education. Evea at this early period, 
his strong mind and soaring ambition had' developed themselves. 
In a letter addressed at that time to a school-fellow then in New 
York, he says, " I contemn the grovelling condition of a clerk or 
the like, to which my fortune conducts me, and would, willingly 
risk my life, hut not wy character, to exalt my station. I am confi- 
dent that my youth excludes me from any hopes of immediate 
preformcnt, nor do I desire it, but 1 mean to prepare the way 
for futvmty. 1 am no })hilo80})her, you see, and may be justly 
said to build castles in the air ; my folly makes me ashamed and 
beg you '11 conceal it ; yet Neddy, we hear such schemes success- 
ful, when the projector is constanl. I shall conclude by saying I 
wish there was a war." How the letter of the boy foreshadows 
the genius of the man. Three years afterwards he left the counting- 
room and was sent to New York, it having been wisely determined 
by his friends that such a mind should not mature bereft of cultiva- 
tion. He was placed at a grammar-school in the vicinity, but 
soon after transferred to Kings (now Columbia) college. It 
was whilst a student here, that he gave forth the first scintillations of 
that genius, energy and courage which so signally distinguished liis 
after life. The times and the temper of the people were auspicious 
for the development of great minds and lofty patriotism. New 
York at this period, (1772,) no recent convert to the doctrine of 
the capacity of the people for self-government, was agitated 
by the increasing oppression of the Home Government. Sixty- 
eight years anterior to the Declaration of Independence, she had 
proclaimed the principle that the rights of property were inalien- / \ 
able and not to be controlled by Government, except by the con- // 
sent of the governed ; that the Colonies could only be taxed with 
their own consent ; principles thut lay at the foundation of onr re- 
volutionary struggles. From these positions, so early taken. New 
York never wavered, maintaining theuj in CI56 and 1165, with 



6 

uiuleviating consistency, down to the American Revolutioa ; nor 
did the repeal of the Stamp Act serve to shake the constancy of 
her people, followed as it was by the quartering of British troops 
upon them. Throughout these aggressions the colony mantained 
her antagonism. She held firmly to the declaration of 1108, 
to Republican ideas. Thus the spirit of the people needed little 
encouragement to arouse their indignation. Indeed, the genera- 
tion of 11*16 in New York had inherited hostile proclivities to 
England, not easily subdued. It was quite prepared for rebellion 
before the first blow had been struck, or the boldest had conceived 
it prudent to resist. Such was the general tone of public ojiinion 
ill the colony when Hamilton arrived. He was not long in partnk- 
ing of its spirit. He acknowledged no allegiance to England. I le 
had never put foot upon any other than American soil, or breathed 
any other than American air. His youthful ambition was easily 
fired by what was going on around him, and having become imbued 
with and absorbed in the great cause, he was ready to enter the 
contest with all the resources of his powerful, though as yet embryo 
mind. 

One act of perfidy and usurpation by the British Government 
followed another until 1114, when the whole continent of America 
instinctively resolved that longer forbearance would be pnsilani- 
mons. The Boston Tea party ignited the sleeping volcano. New 
York followed with public demonstrations, evincing an unniistake- 
able determination for open, armed rebellion. She hesitated no 
longer. On the 6th of July, 1114, a public meeting was called 
in the city of New York, at the Liberty I'ole, (before erected by 
the " sons of liberty") to elect by free suffrage, in defiance of min- 
isterial authority, representatives to a Provincial Convention. '^I'his 
was the first truly popular election ever held in that Colony, and 
I believe about the first ever held on this continent entirely free in 
its suflTrago. At this meeting Alexander Hamilton, though a boy 



of seventeen, appeared as the principal orator. His biograplier 
eloquently says of this maiden effort : 

" Tlie novelty of the attempt, his youthful countenance, his 
slender and diminutive form, awakened curiosity and arrested at- 
tention. Overawed by the scene before him, he at first hesitated 
and faltered ; but as he proceeded almost unconsciously to utter 
his accustomed reflections, his mind warmed with the theme, his 
energies were recovered, aud after a discussion clear, cogent and 
novel, of the great principles involved in the controversy, he de- 
lected in glowing colors the long-continued and long-endured op- 
pression of the mother country ; he insisted on the duty of resist- 
ance, pointed to the means and certainty of success, and described 
the waves of rebellion sparkling with fire, and washing back ou 
the shores of England the wreck of her power, her wealth and her 
glory. The breathless silence ceased as he closed, and the whis- 
pered nuu-mur ' It is a collegian ! it is a collegian ' was lost in 
loud expressions of wonder and applause at the extraordinary 
eloquence of the young stranger." 

From this time Hamilton's energies were aroused. The people 
looked upon him as a prodigy. His presence became indispensi- 
ble to every movement, and we find him engaged iii eloquent ad- 
dresses to the people ; in filling the columns of the only journal 
which could be procured to sustain the cause ; in irresistable attackvS 
upon the measures of the ministry; and with the organization and 
disciplining of troops. 

But Hamilton was not content with contributions to the press, 
he attempted higher flights with the pen, and, in one of the most 
convincing and able efforts of his remarkable mind, produced an 
essay, which, in argumentative force aud bold positions — con- 
sidering the date of its production and ths youth of its author — 
was little less than miraculous. It was in reply to a " West 



8 

Chester Farmer," who had assailed, with much severity the Cou- 
tinental Congress, Avhich had just closed at Philadelphia, attacking 
the i)roceedings of that body with an ability which had made an 
impression on the public not at all favorable to the liberal party. 
Hamilton was quick to discern the ettect, and within a fortnight 
there appeared an anonymous reply written by him with this quaint 
title: "A full vindication of the Measures of Congress from the 
cahunnies of their enemies, in answer to a letter under the signa- 
ture of ' aWestchester Farmer,' whereby his sophistry is exposed, 
Ills cavils confuted, his ar/ifces detected and his wit ridiculed." 

This was written in 1774, and was followed up with others of yet 
wider scope, enlarging with almost prophetic vision, upon the 
present and future trade and commerce of the Colonies, if freed 
from the restrictions placed upon their industry. In these pamph- 
' lets it was declared that there was no resource but resistance vi et 
armis; there was no freedom except in representative government 
" BASED UPON UNRESTRICTED SUFFRAGE; there was uo fomi of govern- 
' raent suited to the American colonies but that which guaranteed 
the enjoyment of constitutional freedom. He advocated the pro- 
motion of home manufactures by the consumption of American 
products ; the encouragement of emigration and the enlargement 
of domestic commerce. In one of the most impassioned ])assages 
he says : " I say tell me not of the British Commons, lords, minis- 
terial tools, placeman, pensioners, parasites. I scorn to let my life 
and property depend upon the pleasure of any of them. Give 
me the steady, uniform, unshaken security of constitutional free- 
dom. Give the right of trial by a jury of my own neighbors, 
and to be taxed by my own representatives only. What will 
become of the law and courts of justice without this ? The shadow 
may remain, but the substance will be gone. I would die to pre- 
eserve the law upon a solid foundation ; but take away liberty 
and the foundation is destroyed." 



Ill a later production a few weeks after, he attempts a yet more 
comprehensive discussion of the great principles involved ; evincing 
a grasp of intellect and knowledge of tlie political and conuner- 
cial resources of the country almost superhuman. In this paper he 
pays a high but deserved coiupliment to Yirginin, in alluding to its 
reception of the first act of the Home Government to impose 
duties ; adding that it was to satisfy that high spirited and patri- 
otic colony that a declaration was made under tlie privy seal, 
"that tiixes ought not to l)e laid witliout tlie authority of tiie Gen- 
eral Assembly." 

These able essays made a deep impression. They became the 
lexicon upoli which the liberalists maintained their position in dis- 
cussion. The oldest and most distinguished advocates of indepen- 
dence sought and read them witli avidily. They were the Alpha 
of American freedom, and the Omega of British opju'ession. But 
the wonder was, who composed them. At times they were attrib- 
uted to Jay, Governor Livingston, of New Jersey, and other 
eminent scholars, known to be republican and far the seniors of 
Hamilton. Tlie greatest surprise was inanilested, vvlien it was 
known that tin; young student of King's College was the autiior, 
who until then had been known only for his fiery eloquence. He 
became the lion and the leader of the Sons of Liberty. He at 
once placed himself in the front ranks of American patriots in INew 
York, whilst the whole country, irrespective of })arties, acknow- 
ledged tlie prodigious intellect of the young collegian. 

The excitemeuts which always jjrecede revolution begun now to 
prevade the popular mind, though the power of the ministerial 
party unfortunately renuiined intact so far as the (Jeueral Assembly 
of the colony was concerned. By tin; liberal dislmrsenient of mon- 
ey, honors, and commercial advantages, the home government 
managed to retain control of that body. This continued apparent 
adherence to the ministry instilled additional energy into the peo- 

2 



10 

pie of the City of New York. They detenuiued upon having dele- 
gates to the approaching Congress who would truly represent them. 
The ministry made preparations to defeat them, even at the point 
of the bayonet, but the people were not to be deterred by threats 
or overawed by the display of soldiers. As soon as the patriots 
assembled, it was attempted to put them down with violence — 
they resisted, and having collected arms, turned upon their assail- 
ants, put them to flight, and carried their ticket by a decisive 
vote. This was on the first of March, 1175, and was the first 
conflict between the patriots and the ministerial party in which a 
resort to arms was necessary to decide the contest, and was nearly 
two months in advance of the battle of Lexington. 

From this day event followed event with magic rapidity. The 
battle of Lexington was fought — the war-cry was raised through- 
out the land. A noble and patriotic baud had been collected as an 
American Congress, truly reflecting the sentiments of the country, 
which had been aroused to a heiglit of indignation no longer to be 
suppressed. The city of New York at once assumed her true posi- 
tion. Her people rallied as one man in response to the noble ac- 
tion of her friends and neighbors of the East and South. The 
mob seized the keys of the Custom House ; broke open the armory, 
and drove a battalion of royal troops from the city, after having 
iorciljly taken their arms from them. From her example the 
whole Colony became aroused and determined — favorable positions 
upon the Hudson were secured and occupied— alarm posts estab- 
lislied, the counties divided into military districts and commanding 
officers chosen to act under the direction of provincial committees. 
Hamilton joined a provincial troop, which he soon commanded. 
The men of wealth came forward with profers of material aid, 
and in the absence of ready money pledged their fortunes for the 
payment of such sums as were borrowed to sustain the cnuse. 
Every man who could bear a musket fell into line. Hamilton, 
whose pen and energy had contributed more than any other in the 



11 

colony to create this cnthusiasni, did not slirink from tlie storm 
wlien thus aroused. He had thrown hiuiseli" into the front raiik, 
hut amidst the tumult maintained the coolness of a consimimate 
leader. 

Instead of the ungovernable extremes to which ordinary men 
of his temperament and youth would have been carried, he ap- 
peared as the conservator of the peace and the sedate reasoner. 
When the impuLsive mob became turbulent, he was found the elo- 
quent declaimer against violence to property or life. It was in 
one of these excitements that he saved the life of his Professor, 
Dr. Cooper, when the exasperated crowd had sun'ounded the 
college, to ■ make the old loyalist suffer for his principles. This 
was effected by holding them in abeyance at the door to listen 
to his sage counsels, until the old gentleman had an oppor- 
tunity to escape on board of a ship in the harbor. Upon another 
occasion, when the rage of the people, now forced up to its highest 
pitch, burst forth in an attempt to destroy the establishment 
of Rivington, the Tory printer, he appeared upon the ground, 
and with the soft persuasive oratory (for which in after life he was 
so much distinguished, and, indeed, in which at the New York bar 
he had no compeer,) he strove to subdue their passions by eloquent 
appeals for the liberty of the press. Nor was it alone in the 
capacity of author, speaker, and counsellor, that Hamilton, even 
at this age, appeared. Astounding indeed must it seem to us, 
that a youth of seventeen should combine the rare qualities of ex- 
celling in the discussion of abstruse questions of philosophy and 
of government — the capacity to enforce with a pen of almost 
unequalled power the great truths of civil and religious liberty, 
with the yet more effective gift of extemporaneous eloquence, 
at once ready, fluent, didactic, and convincing; a knowledge of 
military tactics, a love for the profession of the soldier, and a 
devotion to military life truly marvelous ; thus presenting in the 
same person the possession of the three great mental energies by 



12 

which thrones have been destroyed, revohitions achieved and 
States established. He was indeed the snge, the statesman, and 
the soldier, whilst yet the hvimble college boy 1 I challenge his- 
tory for a parallel! 

We now approach the most interesting period in the youthful career 
of this remarkable man, as it was the most critical in the history 
-of " the times which tried men's souls." The war Iiad in reality com- 
menced. Washington had been chosen Commander-in-chief. Gene- 
ral Lee had been de[)uted as the commanding officer in New York, 
the devotion of whose people continued and is illustrated in the fact' 
that the proprietors of the largest estates authorized him to lay 
the city in ashes, if by so doing the cause of the Revolution would 
be advanced. Hamilton had applied himself with great assiduity 
to the knowledge re(iuired for military life, and was already 
proficient. He had organized and equipped a military 
company from tlie slender resources of his own limited allowance 
for college education, and was appointed ou the 14th of March, 
I'll6, its captain, by the Convention of the Colony. He was in 
command of this company during the movements which preceded 
the Declaration of Independence, and was an officer of recognized 
accomplishments even before Wasliington established his head 
quarters in New York. His immediate-introduction to the regular 
army is well told by Irving, who relates that one day as General 
Green' was passing through the fields now known as the 
Park, in wliich the City Hall stands, his attention was 
called to the manoeuvres of a, provincial artillery company, 
at whose head a])peared a mere youth, but whose skill 
was so remarkable, tliat it induced the Cieneral to make his ac- 
quaintanc(! and to invite him to his quarters. This youth 1 need 
not say was Hamilton, and this accident the commencement of his 
connection with the Revolutionary ai*my. He soon joined the regular 
forces for active service as Captaiu Hamilton ; was at the battle 
of Long Island, and brought up the retreat at the head of his little 



13 



company with only the loss of his baggage and a field piece. It was, 
however, on the heights of Harlem, where llaiuilton was engaged 
in throwing up works of defence, that he first attracted the notice 
of Washington, whose experienced eye was not long in discerning 
the merits of the young officer. He was invited by the great 
commander to his tent, where was laid the foundation of tlie fu- 
ture couiidence and aflection which connected these great nuMi 
together during the remainder of their lives, and will unite their 
names so long as American history shall live. The can)paign which 
succeeded, and which was prol)ably the most severe of the whole - 
Revolution, found Hamilton ever equal to the most hazardous 
and trying duty, always maintaining himself with the same cool- 
ness, courage, and address. 

On the 1st of March, 1117, he wtis invited by General Washing- 
ton into his military family as aid-de-cnrai), with the rank of Lieu- 
tenant Colonel, which he accepted with reluctance, preferring to 
await the certain ])roin()tion which he well knew liis success in the 
line of the army would command. He retained this position through- 
out the most trying periods of the war, serving his chief with a 
devotion and constancy that have never been snrjiasscd. It is well 
known that many of the dispatt'hes and official papers, which bore 
the signature of Washington diu-ing this relation, were ])repared 
by Hamilton. In the difficulty with General Gates, grow- 
ing out of the correspond(!nce of that officer with Gener- 
al Conway, Hamilton rendered essential aid, and in the 
suljsequent attempts of cabals to supplant the Conunamkn'-in-chief, 
he served him with fidelity and skill; and not only Hamilton, l)ut 
the whole (Jolouy of New York, sustained him also, when his 
good name was thus assailed. His l)iograplier says : " Whilst Peim- 
sylvania hesitated to contimie her confidence in him, and the votes 
of Maryland, North (Jarolina, and Georgia were divided 
in their support— his native Virgnia misrepresented — the whole 
of Maryland marshalled under adverse leaders, New York, 



14 

though her metropolis and her mountain passes on the Hudson 
were in tlie liands of an enemy — her temporary seat of government 
in ashes — though just relieved from subjugation by the ea- 
pitulution of Burgoyne — thus dismembered and dislocated, 
maintained all her constancy and all her firmness." 

In the many dreary scenes, and gloomy events of tlic 
of '78, '79, and '80, Hamilton maintained his constant fidelity to his 
commander. If his loyalty to the glorious cause in which he had 
• been engaged had not been enough to wed him to the hend 
of the army, to whose person he held such near official relations, 
admiration for the character of Washington would of itself suf- 
ficed. He loved his commander because he knew him well; he had 
(h'ank from the fountain of his calm wisdom; he had been a spectator 
of his courage in the trying conflicts of ^the battle field ; he had heard 
from his lips in the councils of wnr the sage conclusions of a great 
mind; lie knew his entire personal disinterestedness and stoical in- 
tegrity; and, more than all, deeply sympathized with him in the 
holy i)urpose of freeing his country from foreign misnde and op- 
piession. Washington reciprocated the attachment of Hamilton. 
It is well ascertained that no man was held by Washington in 
higher esteem. His discernment enabled him quickly to observe 
the comprehensive intellect of Hamilton. The proofs which the 
youth had given of attachment to the liberal party, even be- 
fore those who afterwards attained })rominence in it had de- 
cided which side to choose, had not escaped him ; and when to 
these were added fidelity as his aid, coolness and skill as a strage- 
tist, ripe and finished scholarship, the acconiplishments of the di- 
plomatist and the statesman, it was impossible that a man with 
such a head and such a heart as Washington, should not become 
alike the counsellor, the friend and the father of one possessing so 
many attributes by which to win the affection and applause of 
the world. And yet these remarkable men presented striking con- 
trasts. Hamilton, in stature almost lilliputian, was the child of 



15 

genius — quick, vivacious, eloquent, and of extraordinary versatili- 
ty and scope of intellect; acquiring knowledge without apparent 
study or effort, of genial social qualities, fond of good cheer, and 
not insensible to the soft repose of Cupid's couch. Beyond the 
orduiary stature, Washington towered above most men in figure 
as well as in grandeur of bearing and solemnity of character. He 
had not what the world calls genius, but he had tlic rare, sure 
quality of a vigorous, well balanced intellect, known as common 
sense. His mind was as nuxssive as his person, and as firm upon 
its purpose as are the mighty hills upon their Ixise. In the science, 
of war he had no equal — either upon this Continent or in Europe ; 
as a sagacious and far seeing statesman he was no less pre-eminent. 
He was the impersonation of his country's hopes, and his country's 
nationality, and as such, the living representative of the princi- 
ciple of human liberty throughout the world. 

But time changed the official relations of Washington and 
Hamilton. Hamilton resigned his position oF aid-de-camp on the 
Kith of February, ItSl, under circumstances at the time painful 
to each, and which, as developing their personal characteristics, I 
will relate. Hamilton had been sent for by Washington, no doubt 
in haste, on business of a pressing nature, and was on his way up 
stairs to the General, when met by the Marquis de Lafayette, 
with whom he was a favorite, who detained him in conversation. 
The General deemed this delay disrespectful, and so told the aid 
upon his arrival. To this Hamilton replied, no doubt, quickly, 
" that he was not conscious of it but since you have thought neces- 
sary to tell me so, we part." " Very well, sir, if it be yotir choice," was 
the rejoinder of Washington, and their official relations, as then 
existing, ceased for ever. The next day an effort was made by 
Washington to induce Hamilton to rettu'n to his post. 

Col. Tilghman, who was deputed for this pur})ose, assured Ham- 
ilton, in the General's name, that he retained the utmost confi- 



16 

dence iii liis integrity, ability and usefulness ; but Hamilton being 
desirous of an opportunity to distinguish himself in some position of 
command, was averse to resume a place presenting no openhig fur ad- 
vancement, and so restricted in its chance for military distinction. 
Not the slightest alteration, however, was made by the separation 
in the kind personal relations existing between them. The same 
affection and mutual esteem, remained through life. Hamillon 
was calleii in at the councils of war, and as will be seen in the 
progress of this hurried sketch, enjoyed the continued conhdence 
of the General. Being now at liberty, he resolved to obtain, if 
possible, a command in the army, equal to the services he had 
rendered. An application was made, which, after some delay, was 
successful and which subsequently gave him the opportunity for 
distinction, which he knew himself so well able to win. He joined 
the army in the fall of the same year, and was placed in charge 
of important posts, preparatory to the siege of Yorktowu. He 
was invited by Washington to be present at the councils that 
decided upon this important movement against Coruwalli.s. He 
was placed in command of a corps of light infantry attached to 
the division of Lafayette, in that splendid achievement of the 
American arms. I need not detain you with the details of that, 
the most important as it was the last of tlie revolutionary eng- 
agements. It occiu'red at your very doors, and must be familiar 
to every school l)oy in your midst. But the gallant part which 
my hero acted upon the occasion, may not be so well I'emeni- 
bered, nor need we be surprised if it were altogether forgotten 
in the recollection of others, higher in position, and more promi- 
nently identified at the time with the result. 

In this battle Hamilton was, by his own urgent solicitation, 
placed in command of infantry which were to make a charge at the 
point of the bayonet upon one of the principal redoubts of the 
enemy — to be carried only in the face of a most destructive fire. 
He led in per.son this perilous euterprize, and rushing forward in 



17 

advance of all others, ascended the abatis, stood for a moment 
upon the parapet with three of his soldiers, beckoned the others 
to follow, and then sprang into the ditch — Major Fish, the father 
of one of New- York's present Senators in Congress followed. 
Animated by the heroic conduct of Hamilton and Fish, the in- 
fantry pressed on with muskets, unloaded, and fixed bayonets; 
they soon reached the counterscarp under a heavy and constant 
fire from the redoubt, and surmounting the abatis, ditch, and pali- 
sades, mounted the parapet and leaped into the work. Hamilton 
in the surrounding smoke was for a moment lost sight of, and it 
was feared he had fallen, but he soon re-appeared, and formed 
the troops in the redoubt, which soon surrendered. This was one 
of the most splendid achievements of the revolution ; not only in 
its intrepedity and success, but in the discipline and celerity of 
the movements which accomplished it. In nine minutes from the 
passing of the abatis, without the firing of a gun, the surprise 
and capture were perfected. "Few cases" said Washington, 
"have established greater proof of intrepedity, coolness and firm- 
ness, than was shown on this occasion." This feat virtually de- 
cided the battle of Yorktown ! and the battle of Yorktown decided 
the Revolution. Cornwallis never rallied or succeeded in regaining 
to the least extent the ground thus lost. Two days afterwards 
he made propositions to surrender, which were not assented to by 
Washington until Hamilton was consulted as to the terms. 

This was Hamilton's last military service as it was Washington's. 
There being no necessity for further action in the field, he withdrew 
to the bosom of his young family, and to the pursuit of intellectual 
culture and professional life. He now determined upon entering a 
new career at the bar, but the hold he had already obtained upon 
the affections of the people, would not permit this withdrawal 
from their service. He was elected before the expiration of the 
same year a Delegate to Congress — the somewhat unpopular 

3 



18 



Congress of 1*182. In this Assembly, as iu all in which he ever 
held a seat, he soon became a leading spirit. This was indeed a 
singular Congress. Not sharing the pervading spirit of the Ameri- 
can people, it appeared to be lukewarm, and indifferent. .If there 
ever was a political body requiring stimulus, it was this. The 
f delegates appeared to be but the representatives of a heteroge- 
neous oligarchy. Without energy themselves, or moral power 
before the country, they were unable to enforce their own recom- 
mendations and resolutions. In this extremity all eyes were turned 
upon Hamilton. They recognized in him the only man among 
them, with sufficient capacity and influence to save the country 
from subsiding into a condition, worse than that from which it 
had just extricated itself. He was selected to prepare an ad- 
dress to the several State Conventions, recommending a general 
convention, for the purpose of taking the state of the Country 
into consideration, and for the establishment of a constitutional 
(xovcrument. From this action resulted the meeting at Auuapolis, 
five years after — which subsequently led to the convention of 
Philadelphia, in 1787, from which emanated the glorious fabric 
now universally recognized (except it be by a few abolition mad- 
men) as the Charter by which we have maintained our liberties 
and preserved our Union. 

As to the prominence of Hamilton's position in the Convention 
of Philadelphia, and the signal aid he rendered in reaching a hap- 
py and harmonious conclusion, there is no diversity of opinion ; 
but as to the doctrines of government he advocated therein, 
and as to the genuine republicanism of his theories, there is a 
difference of opinion entertained, which in my judgment is en- 
tirely unjust to his patriotic character, and services. It is said 
he advocated Monarchical doctrines, and declared sentiments di- 
rectly antagonistic to the principles upon which the present Con- 
stitution was established. I stand here to deny these positions, 



19 

and to assert, that so far from being an enemy to our present 
system, lie was the first man who proposed and advocated the ' 
general form of government which was adopted by that Conven- 
tion, many years before the idea of a general confederated Go- 
vernment like this was dreamt of in the philosophy of the 
most ntopean enthusiast. In his celebrated letter to James Duane, 
President of Congress, written in 1*180, whilst yet but 23, he 
urged its leading principles, recommending and depicting in almost 
prophetic terms the necessity of a political compact, essentially 
the basis of our present constitution. — In that letter he also dis^ 
played, with a master-hand, the utter insufficiency of the feeble 
government then existing, and the substitute in detail, with which 
he proposed to replace it. Here was proposed the first idea of a 
departmental form of government. This, however, had been pre- 
ceded by an equally remarkable production. — I mean his letter to 
Robert Morris, in which the same declarations were made, and 
urged with a power never excelled. He saw at the outset that 
the articles of confederation, bound the Colonies, but with a rope 
of sand. In this letter, written in 1T*I9, he says, "I wish to see 
a convention of all the States, with full power to alter and annul, 
finally and irrevocably, the present futile and senseless confedera- 
tion." — His celebrated Resolutions of IT 83, took the same ground. 
It is not my purpose, nor is it necessary in an address of this 
character to go into the details of the proceedings of the conven- 
tion which framed the Constitution. I will not weary you by fol- 
lowing the reported proceedings, even meagre as they are, which 
inform us of the several projects and debates thereon. SufBcc it 
to say, no full reports, such as we now have of the proceedings of 
legislative bodies, were made by this, the most important of any 
gathering of men, whether considered with reference to the 
intellect or patriotism of the delegates themselves, or the mo- 
mentous questions presented for their deliberations. We should 
gather these from the results rather than from the skeleton reports 



20 

existing. Of Hamilton's efforts iu that Convention we know but 
little. These may be inferred better from what he had spoken and 
written anterior, and from what we know of his opinions subsequent 
to this convention, than from the reported debates. There can be 
no doubt, however, that he advocated a solid government, to be 
formed upon some principle of cohesion that would be sufficiently 
sti'ong in its general or federal functions to protect the nationality 
of the whole, but I presume the strongest opponents of Hamilton's 
opinions will not deny that this solidity would have furnished a 
stable, conservative and durable system, and that it is to his exer- 
tions that we are mainly indebted for these elements in our present 
constitution. Nor will they deny that much upon which we now 
rely to maintain domestic peace and continued union, was incor- 
porated at his instance, and yielded as a compromise by which to 
satisfy a yet stronger government, urged, it is true, by him. 

Before considering the precise attitude assumed by Hamilton in 
the Convention, we should remember that it was the habit of his 
mind, to present every question in a practical manner. He was, 
next to Washington, the most practical man of the Revolution. 
It was his custom iu the discussion of principles to propose and 
present propositions to be made the basis of argument and discus- 
sion, that the right, the good^ and the true could be sooner elicited. 
By reference to the debates it will be seen that the various sugges- 
tions made were mostly abstract and theoretical. Hamilton prepar- 
ed and presented a scheme of a constitution — a practical idea and 
substance, placing before the Convention shape and form and feature, 
from which might be created the fabric of an organic law. This 
plan, which was presented in his celebrated speech of 18th of June, 
was produced not so much as a declaration of his own tenets and 
principles, as a rough mass from which the artisans of the Convention 
were to chisel and mould the perfect statue. He quarried the unhewn 
stone, and presented it to the master architects, thus furnishing the 



21 

basis and susbstance of the materials from which to construct the 
fabric. It is not a violent presumption to say that the introduction of 
liis plan into the Convention was intended to define certain forms, for 
the proper distribution of the functions of government, rather than 
the declarations of his own settknl and determined judgment as to 
the government itself, or, as well hinted by Morris, " his speculative 
opinions, which should not be treated as deliberative designs." It 
lias been my good fortune to become the possessor of a fac-simile 
copy of the original draft of a Constitution introduced into the Con- 
vention by Hamilton, with all its original erasures, interlineations 
and alterations. Here it is, free to the examination of any who 
doubt the correctness of the reference which it is my intention to 
make to its provisions. By it we may discover — admitting that it 
truly reflected his convictions — what really were his theories and 
principles. That it does propose a strong National Government 
cannot be denied — to be sovereign in its sphere as such — but it was 
to emanate directly from the people, and in that respect not to dero- 
gate from the domestic or local rights of the Colonies or States 
themselves, so far as was consistent with the necessities of a 
central power sufficiently strong for efficient action. It made the 
/ first grand initiatory effort to establish universal suffrage ; and this 
practical and legitimate ingredient of popular representative gov- 
ernment (a controlling influence from the people) it was supposed 
would insure a more intelligent and virtuous administration. In it the 
spirit of democracy and the spirit of conservatism were closely blend- 
ed and happily balanced. It had the merit of directness and ex- 
plicitness of statement, leaving nothing to inference, which in con- 
stitutions are injurious and hazardous. The democratic principle 
was extended to the fullest limit of universal suffrage ; the mem- 
bers of the lower House of Congress to be elected only for one 
year, and by an entirely free and independent vote ; whilst the mem- 
bers of the upper house were also to be elected by popular suffrage, 
though for a term of good behavior. His Chief Executive was 



22 



also to be elected directly by the people. The entire plan was 
based on the hypothesis of establishing a national government re- 
moved from the short-sighted jealousies aiid influences of local and 
l)artisan powers. The incongruity and weakness of the confedera- 
tion represented by the trammeled delegates of State sovereignties, 
had been so effectually proven, that it had become apparent to the 
patriot and the statesman, that a radical change was necessary. 

It is true he proposed for his President a tenure of office out of 
all proportion with our ideas of democratic principles, but we 
must remember that he was pursuing the great thought of remov- 
ing that high place from the reach of all influences of a partisan, 
intriguing or corrupt character ; that every motive for the improper 
use of its patronage should be obviated. Without wishing to be 
understood as expressing any opinion, as to what should be the 
proper period for which it would have been best to fix the Presi- 
dential term, I am prepared to say, that the term now fixed 
is too short. It is quite certain that great difference of opinion 
has always existed as to tenure of office under our government, 
whether by executive or judicial officers. The continual agitation 
of the whole country by frequent elections, and the strong in. 
ducements offered to incumbents to exercise the power inherent in 
the office for its continuance in their own hands, is as mischievous 
in its effects, as it is in my judgment detrimental to the welfare of 
the country. 

Hamilton's Executive was subject to the impeachment of the 
lower house, which was invested witli power over him of the highest 
and most responsible order. When impeached he was suspended 
from the exercise of his ministerial duties. The impeiichment was 
to be tried by the judiciary — a majority of whom were to consist 
of the Chief Justices of the several States; thus constituting a 
Court removed from all federal or political bias. It is by no 



23 



means certain that, if the project of Hamilton Imd been a little 
closer followed in some of these principles, the administration of 
the general Government wonld not have been less liable than it 
now is, to thf direct and indirect influence of sectional preju- 
dice, its consequent embarrassments and evil results. 

It is not too much to assume that in this responsibility of the 
Executive to the people, through their annually elected representa- 
tives, there would have existed a responsible government, substan- 
tially dependent for its permenancy and its success, on the approv- 
al of public sentiment. In this case we should rarely see a cabinet 
of ministers holding office and approving measures in violation of 
the national feeling, its will and its interests. 

In our system of government in which laws are made by 
the legislative power, and in which it is the peculiar 
function of the executive authority to administer them, 
laws enacted by a legislature chosen upon the basis of 
universal suffrage, must be regarded as expressing the popular 
will. In this sense, a law is the embodiment in a material 
form, of the opinions of the majority, prescribing a rule of action 
to be obeyed in the commonwealth. The Chief Magistrate there- 
fore, in executing these laws only enforces the Mill of the people, 
constitutionally ascertained. It follows then that a concentration of 
power in the executive department of a Republican government, 
sufficient to execute every law of the land, is not only in no re- 
spect inconsistent with the Democratic theory of government, but 
is in perfect harmony with it. A strong executive is a logical and 
necessary deduction from the Democratic theory, indispensable to 
its just and complete development, since the executive in causing 
the laws to be obeyed, is himself the agent and representative of 
the people, chosen to execute the mandate of the majority. 

Thus it will be seen, that in the strong Executive advocated by 
Hamilton, associated as it was to be with free suffrage in the selec- 



24 



tion of the Representative, the wishes of the people in the adminis- 
tration of the government would have been secured. 

Nearly all of the conservative elements and many of the most 
liberal of our present constitution are to be found in Hamilton's 
plan. The present limitations to the powers of Congress were 
mostly taken from it veriatim. He was the first to present to the 
Convention the suggestion that Congress should have no power to 
pass ex-2)ost facto laws, bills of attainder, or give titles of nobility, 
and that persons holding office could receive no presents, title or 
office from any foreign power or state. He also proposed that 
there should be no religious tests, and that Church and State should 
never be united under this government — restrictions which were 
not incorporated until the constitution was amended, two years 
afterwards. It is also in his constitution that we find (article ix. 
sec. 5, ) this remarkable provision, which has been the great safe- 
guard of the rights of the States under the present constitution. 
" The citizens of each State shall be entitled to the rights, privileges 
and immunities of citizens in every other State, and full faith and 
credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and 
Judicial proceedings of another." His Senators were to be chosen 
by electors, selected by the people for that purpose, and not by 
the Legislature, as finally adopted. We may differ as to which is 
the better mode, but there ean be no difference of opinion as to which 
is the most consistent with the spirit of our institutions. Nor were 
his limitations to the powers reserved by the States so many or so 
stringent as the requirements in the present Constitution. 

Throughout the whole was displayed a strong bias in favor of 
the elementary principles of free elections — the conserva- 
tive principle which alone has kept us so long together. Again — 
and which to Virginia and other Southern States, is a matter of no 
small moment — his plan recognized the right to slave property, and 



25 

its correspondent representative riglit is fully mantalaed by iiim in 
the power granted to Congress to levy taxes on tlie basis of three- 
fiftlis population. In the recognition of this fundamental 
principle of taxation, were established the nature and character of 
the representative apportionment, and it is worth remembering just 
now, that not only did the Convention adopt his proposition in this 
respect, but that it was also assented ti and approved of by all the 
States in the Union, in their acceptance and ratification of the na- 
tional compact. 

I repeat, therefore, that he was, in the main, the father of the 
leading principles of the present Constitution, and in this opinion 
I but assert what has before been stated by Governeur Morris 
and men equally eminent among his contemporaries. 

Nor does his claim to the possession of liberal principles rest 
alone upon his early writings from which I have quoted, nor upon his 
propositions in this Convention. At an earlier day he proposed in 
the old confederation, that their deliberations should be with open 
doors, and he was always the defender of the liberty of the press. 
During the war of the Revolution, and agaiu in the celebrated case 
of Croswell, he was the first to assert that, in a puiilication from 
a rightful motive, the truth might be given in justification. This 
was at a time when the judiciary of England was earnestly en- 
gaged in settling the law of libel, and on the receipt of his argu- 
ment in this case, and the subsequent action in the Legislature of 
New York, his definition was adopted almost verbatim; and this has 
been the law ever since, both in England and America. 

But whatever may have been his peculiar theories, no man, it will 
not be denied, evinced more energy and ability in behalf of the adop- 
tion of the Constitution, it was mainly owing to his exertions, in 
conjunction with other master-spirits of Virginia and New York 
that we are indebted for its confirmation by the States. It is true 
he saw objections to portions of it at the time of its adoption — so 

4 



26 

did Virginia see objections — yet, when the alternative presented 
itself of this Constitntion or none, he, like your own noble and 
patriotic commonwealth, gave up opposition and rallied for its 
defence. 

New York was strongly adverse. She would not have approved 
the Constitution in the form in which it came from the Con- 
vention, but for Hamilton; and who can say that that de- 
fection would not have defeated it altogether. He returned 
home, became a member of the State Convention to consider the 
propriety of ratifying it, and by his eloquence and command- 
ing abiUty, succeeded in securing for it the sanction of that 
body. About the same time, in conjunction with Madison and 
Jay, he commenced those masterly contributions to the " Federal- 
ist," which, I believe, it is now universally conceded, were more 
potent in subduing the opposition to the Constitution throughout 
the country, by convincing the people of its beneficence and 
wisdom, than any other means taken to accomplish that vital neces- 
sity, upon which depended the continuance of the federal union. 
No man — and I say it with proper reverence for the distin- 
guished services of others — contributed more efficient aid. What 
if he did propose a constitution possessing features hostile to 
the short term principle, and which, in this respect, was repug- 
nant to our now well settled theories of democratic republic- 
anism ? Several patriotic States put forward, through their 
delegates to that body, projects equally objectionable. In 
contemplating the public life and genious of such a man as Hamil- 
ton, with the revival of the recollection of his many glorious deeds 
upon the field as well as of the part he took in these momen- 
tous deliberations, we should look upon any propositions he may 
have made, let their details have been what they may, as sub- 
jects of opinion about which, at that time, men may have hon- 
estly differed, without detracting at all from their patriotism. 
It must not be forgotten that the ruling idea in that body was. 



27 



perhaps too much " What do the people wish — what will the 
people lik-^," aud perhaps too little what will make the 
most perfect form of government. It is quite evident, in look- 
ing at their proceedings in the best possible light, that the master 
minds and most devoted men of that body, each gave up some- 
thing of his own convictions to satisfy the public mind and to form 
a more perfect union, lest the federative league then existing should 
crumble into pieces, aud the States resolve themselves altogether 
into their former independent, unprotected, and isolated condition. 
Hamilton, however, never sought a compromise between his public 
duty and his love of popularity. 

On the accession of Washington to the Presidency, Hamilton 
was invited to take charge of the Fiscal Department of the 
Government, as Secretary of the Treasury. In the fulfilment of 
this arduous duty it became necessary for him, not only to create 
and organize that important branch, but to devise and put in mo- 
tion a system of Government finances and revenues equal 
to the redemption of the country from its prostrate condition. 
This he accomplished, and the same system, after a lapse 
of sixty years, stands unaltered and nnamended as a monument of 
his immense financial and executive skill. He found the national 
Treasury almost hopelessly bankrupt, and the honor and credit of 
the country almost entirely destroyed. No man but Hamilton could 
have been equal to the herculean undertaking of resuscitating a 
treasury in so pitiable a condition of exhaustion and embarrass- 
ment, and bringing order, system, and solvency out of its troubled 
chaos. Well was it said by Webster, in his celebrated eulogy of 
Hamilton, that " He smote the rock of the national resources, and 
abundant streams of revenue gushed forth. He touched the dead 
corpse of the public credit, and it sprung upon its feet. The fabled 
bird of Minerva from the brain of Jove was hardly more perfect 
than the financial system of the United States, as it burst forth from 
the conceptions of Alexander Hamilton." 



2S 



I regret that the limits of this discourse will not permit a full 
reference to tliis part of his public life. Its importance to the 
country, as well as the wide space it necessarily fills in his public 
career, demand for it a larger share of attention than my time or your 
patience will allow. To those who are familiar with the history of 
Hamilton's financial administration, noihing can be more satisfac- 
tory than that, in the honest provision which was made to secure 
and to pay the debts of the Revolution, he established for the 
nation a high and honorable character — that of fidelity in the dis- 
charge of its obligations. It was this high toned integrity, so like 
Hamilton in all his private duties, that at once placed this country, 
scarcely emerged from the chaos of the Revolution, in a position to 
command the confidence of European capitalists. Large amounts 
of foreign capital were at once invested in our securities, and that 
which we most required to develope the agricultural, commercial, 
and industrial resources was immediately furnished. If this course 
had not been pursued, the debts would have remained to the dis- 
grace of our national honor, and to the discredit of our financial 
integrity. We should have suffered in every element of prosperity, 
and who can say that the result might not have so paralized the 
country, as to leave it a victim to internal exhaustion and 
anarchy. At this critical period, when we had scarcely emerged 
from the Revolution, and were still suffering from its effects, and 
when our Government had not as yet risen to the dignity of an 
experiment, and when a large State party still clung to the hope 
that we would again relapse into British depenedeuce, it required 
no ordinary mind to conduct the monetary affairs of the Republic. 
However great we have shown Hamilton in the field and in the 
solemn and momentous deliberations of the Constitutional Con- 
vention, he was, in my opinion, still greater as he steered the 
national bark through the storms of this troubled and eventful 
epoch of its opening history. The slightest error would have 
caused irretrievable ruin. The least hesitancy or want of con- 



29 



fidence or presence of mind in the pilot would have wrecked 
the little craft. The war had left the country a barren waste, 
without money or credit, and almost without commerce or 
agriculture. So depleted was the public Treasury, that the 
officers of the Government, including the members of Congress, 
at the commencement of Washington's administration, went home 
unpaid. And yet public and private demands were finally met and 
provided for, and his system, as originally devised, was put into 
successful motion, as perfect and harmonious as it came from his 
giant intellect. Nor was the management of the Executive 
Department, of which he was the head, the only duty which it 
became necessary for him to perform in the accomplishment of this 
important object. He drew all the revenue bills for Congress, and 
counselled, supervised, and directed their passage through both 
Houses. Fisher Ames says of him in reference to the revenue 
reports before Congress, prepared in all cases by Hamilton, that 
" there is not to be found a single clause that savors of despotic 
power; not one that the strongest champion of law and liberty 
would on that ground hesitate to approve and adopt." 

Nor was it alone in the Fiscal Department of Washington's 
administration that the mind and energies of Hamilton were exer- 
cised. He was the leading spirit in every other, giving tone and 
form to its foreign as well as its domestic policy. His enemies 
have made him responsible for its mistakes, and [ am not prepared 
to deny their right to do so — though none but those who are cog- 
nizant of the secret consultations of those who control the policy 
of Government, can know who of its members are chargeable with 
its errors. In the withdrawal of Washington from the Presidency, 
the country lost the services of Hamilton. Alter leaving the Trea- 
sury he retired to New York, and resumed the practice of the law, 
and though still deeply solicitous for the right administration of 
public affairs, and as ever watchful of the interests of his country, 
he refused to occupy any official position. Ou the threatened rup- 



30 

ture with France, during the administration of the elder Adams, 
he offered his military services, and if a war had grown out of that 
difficiily, he would have held the second position to Washington 
in the command of the army. Washington refused to accept 
that post, when offered to him by Adams, upon any other 
condition. No higiier endorsement of the military talents of 
Hamilton need be sought for — Washington's confidence in him had 
grown with his years, and had ripened with his age. He had 
tried his abilities in the cabinet and tested his courage and 
conduct in war, and in the evening of life, when again invited 
to enter the tented field, and to bear the clang of arms, he 
insisted on the co-operation of his trusted associate and friend. 
President Adams attempted to resist this wish of Washington to 
to place Hamilton second in command, but the alternative was 
presented by Washington of his own declination or Hamilton's 
promotion. 

The events which succeeded, with which he was connected, were 
few and without public interest, and I need not refer to them. 
Nor is it necessary to allude to the distracted condition of the 
politics of the Country, which led to that acrimonious controversy 
existing anterior to and during the administration of Mr. Jefferson. 
In the State of New-York these contests were bitter, unrelenting 
and personal. In that State Hamilton's position was too high, 
and the estimation in which he was held by his fellow citizens 
too favorable, for him to escape the shafts of enemies and the de- 
signs of the envious and aspiring. The more able and brilliant a 
pubUc man the more violent and unscrupulous is the opposition ! 
He was singled out as "the bright and shining light," which 
it was necessary to extinguish before the lesser luminaries could 
be discerned and appreciated. Every unpopular position of 
Washington's administration, and every word and act, whether 
public or private, which owed its paternity to him, were invoked, 
like Banquo's ghost to affright the ignorant or timid. It was 



31 

with this spirit, that sentiments he never uttered were attributed 
to him — acts he never committed were charged upon him, and 
motives he never entertained were imputed to him. He became 
the impersonation of the sinking fortunes of an expiring party — 
a party which like an unfortunate man, but encounters renewed 
hostility as it falls still lower in the popular esteem. He be- 
came the victim of a plot— a plot to extinguish forever the brilliant 
glory which surrounded the brow of New- York's favorite son. 

I do not intend to detain you with a recapitulation of the inci- 
dents which immediately preceded the death of Hamilton. These 
must be familiar to every person in an audience so intelligent as 
this. You all know the character of Burr, his antagonist in that 
melancholy tragedy— his profligate private hfe, and his unprin- 
cipled public career. Do not let us contrast the characters of two 
such men as Hamilton and Burr. I shall not attempt it ; nor is it 
my wish to make allusions to the dark spots in the life of any man. 
So far, however, as is necessary to the completion of the picture I 
have undertaken to portray, it becomes my duty in maintaining 
the truth of history, to speak out freely and frankly of one so 
intimately associated with the last sad days of Hamilton. Burr 
had long been jealous of the overshadowing position of Hamilton, 
whilst Hamilton had long known and detested the vices and princi- 
ples, public and private, of Burr. Against the aspirations of the 
latter for the Presidency, Hamilton threw himself in opposition 
with all his resources, not so much that the success of Burr would 
have been a triumph of the adverse party, as from a firm conviction 
upon the part of Hamilton, that the accession of such a man to 
the Presidency would have been a great public calamity from 
which the Republic could never recover. It was in this contest 
that he openly and boldly advocated the selection of Jefferson for 
President. I know it is the general belief that the feeling between 
these great men was of a character which always placed Hamilton 
in an attitude of opposition to Jefferson. This is not the case; for 



32 



though from the necessities of their positions as leaders of antago- 
nisticai poUtical parties, these two controlling intellects of our 
Revolutionary period were often in conflict, they nevertheless en- 
tertained the highest respect for each other's talents and devo- 
tion to the true interests of the country. On the IGtli December, 
1800, Hamilton writes to Wolcott, discussing the probability of 
Burr's having strength in the House of Representatives for the 
Presidency, that " upon every virtuous and prudent consideration, 
Jefferson is to be preferred." 

The result is known. Jefferson was elected, and the intellect 
and high toned patriotism he evinced, fully justified the prefer- 
ence of Hamilton. I would fain stop here to pay a tribute of 
reverence and respect to the memory of the father and founder of 
the democratic party, of which I am an humble member; but 
agreeable as such an episode might be to a Virginian audience, 
and pleasing as the theme would be to my own feelings, I must 
omit it in the necessity which forces me to a rapid conclusion of 
this diffuse and imperfect performance. The defeat of Burr but 
added fuel to the flame which was burning in his breast; he had, 
however, obtained the second place, and, in the power of that posi- 
tion, made every effort to crush out Hamilton's influence in New 
York. For the succeeding two or three years New York politics 
were agitated and disturbed by the efforts of Burr to retain by 
intrigue his waning power. As is well known, his machinations 
in Congress were directed against Jefferson, whilst in New York 
and in the North they were equally devoted to Hamilton. In 
both he was foiled, and soon stood before the country — pros- 
trate and deserted as a public man. In February, 18U4, Jeffer- 
son was unanimously re-nominated by the Democratic, or, as was then 
called, Republican members of Congress as a candidate for re-elec- 
tion; for Burr there was no support, not even one vote for the 
Yice-Presidency, which he then held. Spurned from the National 
Capital, he turned his aspirations to New York, and became a can- 



33 



didate for the less conspicuous position of Governor of that State. 
But even here the Republican party, to which he had been attached, 
repudiated him, nominating first Lansing and then Lewis in prefer- 
ence. Thus all chance for even this position appeared to be lost. 
He was, however, never without resources, for with all his faults of 
character, he was really an able man, and a bold and ingenius 
leader. He caused himself to be nominated as an independent 
candidate for Governor, with the hope that the Federalists, 
much distracted and broken down, would be induced to give their 
support. It was now that Hamilton assumed a still more open 
attitude of hostility, and it was through his exertions, and the 
general distrust of the people, that Burr came out of the can- 
vass shamefully defeated and forever prostrated. Nothing 
was now left to him but revenge, that last resort of an utterly 
disgraced and ruined man. He was not long in finding pre. 
texts upon which to demand an explanation of Hamilton. It 
appears that whilst at Albany the winter preceding, during the 
efforts of Burr to procure the support of the Federal party for 
Governor, Hamilton had, in conversation with a Dr. Cooper, 
expressed himself freely of Burr's political character. Cooper^ 
in a publication for the newspapers, made some allusions to 
this conversation with Hamilton, and used the word " despica- 
ble" as one spoken of Burr by Hamilton at the interview referred to. 
Burr made this statement of Cooper's the basis of a demand upon 
Hamilton for explanation. Several letters passed between the par- 
ties before friends were called in, though it was apparent that Burr 
was acting from the commencement in concert with others. The 
requirements of Burr were unreasonable, and evinced from the 
opening of the correspondence a determination to force 
Hamilton into a dishonorable disavowal of every expression or insin- 
uation he had at any time, during a political controversy of twenty 
years, made against the conduct and character of Burr, or else pay 
the forfeit of his life. Hamilton was not long in discovering the 

5 



34 

murderous intent of liis desperate antagonist, and in one of his 
replies delicately but pointedly referred to it. This allusion was 
made an additional ground of complaint by Burr, who, refusing to 
listen to any steps towards compromise and honorable adjustment, 
forced on the difficulty to a bloody result. The correspondence 
opened on the 18th June, 1804, and was continued by the princi- 
pals and their immediate friends in the duel, until the 21th, when 
it ceased with an understanding that they were to fight. Hamilton 
suggested that as the Circuit Court was then in session, in which 
he had to appear as Counsel in several important suits, the meet- 
ing should be postponed till after the adjournment, that the interests 
of those who had intrusted to him the charge of their cases should 
not suffer by any fatal result to himself. The seconds agreed to this 
delay, and the meeting was postponed till July. 

On Friday, the 6th July, Mr. Pendleton, the friend of Hamilton, 
informed Mr. Yan Ness, the friend of Burr, that his principal 
would be ready at any time after the Sunday following. On Mon- 
day the "Jth, the particulars were arranged, and on Wednesday the 
11th, at day light in the morning, the parties crossed the Hudson 
River to Weehawken, on the New Jersey Shore, opposite to 
New- York. The incidents upon the ground were not marked by 
unusual circumstances. It is conceded that both parties bore 
themselves with coolness and courage. Burr fired first, and his shot 
took eft'ect upon the right side of Hamilton, who was 
mortally wounded before his own pistol had been raised from his 
side. He lingered in anguish until two o'clock the next day, en- 
during more, it is supposed, from the consciousness of the affliction 
he had brought upon his family and his friends, than from bodily 
pain. He died amidst the heart-rending tears of a devoted wife 
and seven young and helj^less children. The next day a Coroner's 
jury held an Inquest upon his body, which, after a lengthy exami- 
nation, returned a verdict of willful murder against Aaron Burr, 



35 

Vice-President of the United States. The following is a verbatim 
copy of tlie original Inquisition in my possession : 

Cita nntj ffiauntg o£ Wcto govft, as : 

An Inquisition, Indented, taken for the People of the State of New Yot-Ic. at the Third 
Ward of the City of New York in the County of New York, the loth day of July, In the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred aud four, and continued hy adjourunicnt until tlie 
second day of August, in the year aforesaiil. before me, John Burger, Coroner, for tlu; said 
City and County of New York, on view of the body of Alexander Hamilton, then and tliere 
to wit, on the said thirteenth day of July in the year last aforesaid at the Ward, City and 
County aforesaid, lyino^dead, upim the oath of Alexander Anderson, George Minuse, John A. 
Hardcnbrook, Peter Bonnett, Elam Williams, John Coffiu, John .Mildcberger, David A. 
Brower, David Lydig, Abraham Bloodgood. James Cumraings, Amos ("urtis. Isaac Burr, Ben- 
• Jamin Strong, and John D. Miller, good and lawful men of the said City and County of New 
York, duly chosen, and who being then and there duly sworn and charged to enijuire for tlio 
people of the State of New York, when, where, how and by what means the said Alexander 
Hamilton came to his death, do upon their oaths say, that Aaron Burr, late of the Eighth 
Ward of said City in the said County, Esquire, ami Vice-President of the United States, not 
having the fear of God before his ej'es, hut being moved and seduced by the instigation of 
the devil, on the eleventh day of July in the year last aforesaid, witli force and arms, in tl>e 
County of Bergen and State of New Jersey, in and upon the said Alexamler llarailtou in the 
peace of God and of the people of the said State of New Jersey then au<l there being, feloni- 
ously, wilfuUy, and of his malice aforethought, did make an assault, and that the said Aaron 
Burr, a certain pist<il of the value of one dollar, charged and loaded with gun powder, and a 
leaden bullet, which he, the said Aaron Burr, then and there had. and held in his right 
liand, to, at and against the i-ight side of the belly of the said Alexander Hamilton, did then 
aud there shoot off and discharge, by means whereof he the said Aaron Burr, feloniously, 
wilfully and of his malice al'orethought, did then and there give unto him tlie said Alexan- 
der Hamilton, with the leaden bullet afore.said, so as aforesaitl shot off and discharge out of 
the pistol aforesaid hy the force of the gun powder aforesaid upon the riglit side of the brdly 
of him the said Alexander Hamilton, a little above the hip, one mortal wound, penetrating 
ihe belly of him the said Alexander Hamilton of which said mortal wound, he the said Alex- 
ander Hamilton, from the said Eleventh day of July, in the year aforesaid, until the Twelfth 
day of July in the same year, as well in the County of Bergen in the Sta.te of New Jersov 
aforesaid as also at the Eightli Want of the City of New York in the Count)' of New Yoi-lv 
aforesaid, did languish and languishing did live, on which twelfth <lny of July in tlie said 
year the said Ale.xander Hanillton at the said p^ighth Ward of the said City in the said County 
of New York of the mortal wound aforesaid, died and the jurors aforesaid on tlieir oath 
aforesaid do further .say that Willia.n\ 1'. Van Ness, late of the first Ward of the City of New 
York, in the County of New York, .aforesaid. Attorney at Law and Nathaniel I'endletfm late 
of the same place Couuscllorat Law, at the time of committing the I'elony and murder afore- 
said, feloniously, wilfully and of their malice aforethought, were present abetting, aiding, 
assisting, comforting and maintaining the said Aaron Burr to kill and laurdor the said Al- 
exander Hamilton in the manner aforesaid, and so the Jurors aforesaid upon tlieir oath 
aforesaid do .say the said Aaron Burr and the said AVilliam P. Van Ness .and Nathaniel Pen- 
dleton, him the said Alexander Hamilton in manner and by the means aforesaid feloniously, 
wilfuUy and of their malice aforethought did kill and murder against the peace of the People 
of the State of New York and their dignity. 

In Witness whereof as well the aforesaid Coroner, as the Jurors aforesaid,^ have to this 
Inquisition put their seals on tlie second day of August aud in the year one thousand eight 
hundred and four, and at the place aforesaid. 

JOHN BURGER, Coroner [L. S.] 

ALEXR, ANDERSON, DAVID A. BROWER, 

GEORGE MINIISE, BAYW LYDIG, 

.lOHN A. HARnKNBEOOK, ABM. BLOODGOOD, 

PEI'ER BONNETT, ■ JAMES GUMMING. 

ELA51 WILLIAMS, AlVIOS CURTIS, 

JOHN COFFIN, ISA.\C BURR, 

JOHN mLDEBEBGKR, BENJ. STRONG, 
JOHN D. MILLER. 

The feeling of indignation aroused against Burr was uni- 
versal. As the facts upon which the duel had been pro- 



36 



voked became known, the most intense excitement pervaded 
the public mind. It was said he had practiced with a pistol 
at mark for months before the challenge, and had worn a cov- 
ering of silk when in the field as a sort of armour, for the 
protection of his person. It became known that Hamilton 
had not intended to fire at Burr. His private memoranda 
made the day before, and the statement of his second and 
his own solemn declarations within one hour of his death, estab- 
lished this fact beyond question. He went upon the field like 
a victim resigned to his slaughter, without the fell spirit 
or intent which animated his ruthless and relentless pursuer. 
The pervading grief of the public mind became intense. Suffice 
it to say, every political animosity appeared to have been hurried 
in his tomb. The voice of reproach for any opinions he may have 
held was hushed forever, and the eye that did not weep, and the 
countenance that did not reflect the solemn aspect of the gloomy 
pall which enshrouded his remains, were regarded as those of 
the followers of the dark conspirators who had pei'petrated this 
great wrong upon the country. Nor was this gloomy sentiment 
confined to this country, it extended throughout Europe ; the 
statesmen and great men of the old world participating in the grief 
which pervaded the whole continent of America. 

Burr became a wanderer and an outcast. — It is said when he 
called on Prince Tallyrand then in the zenith of his power, and 
sent his name to that minister, the latter sent him word, that he 
would be happy to see a man, who had occupied the position of 
Vice President of the United States, but that he desired to let 
Col. Burr know, that the mimature of Alexander Hamilton was 
always to be found suspended over his jiiantlepiece. 

And now in drawing to a close this feeble but sincere tribute to the 
memory of Hamilton, let me say that I do not wish to be understood 
as endorsing every public act he performed, or every opinion he may 



37 

have advanced. He held opinions in regard to a National Bank, 
the tenure of office, and other measures of governmental policy to 
which I never can subscribe. He may have entertained views not 
strictly in keeping with the generally conceived notions of our day, 
but these were but spots upon the sun, not to be observed amidst 
the surrounding splendor of his glorious character and services. 
Let us do liim Justice! and secure his memory from the common 
error I fear too generally existing in the superficial public mind, 
that he was a monarchist in principle and an aristocrat in feeling. 
Such was not Alexander Hamilton; and to attribute sentiments 
to him hostile to Republican Institutions, for which he had suffered 
and accomplished so much, is to unjustly darken the bright name 
of one of the master-spirits of the Revolution. It is to cast a re- 
proach upon the principles and loyalty of Washington himself, 
" who knew him best and loved him most." 

Well may Virginia watch over the ashes of Washington, now 
lying entombed at Mount Vernon ; so will New York guard the 
ashes. of Hamilton, reposing in Trinity Church yard. Thougli sepa- 
rated in the tomb, their fame is the common property of the coun- 
try. May the recollection of their deeds endure as long as time, 
and their names go forth into the dark and shadowy future asso- 
ciated together in history, as they were in the service of their 
country. 



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